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Psychology: a concise introduction by Richard A Griggs. Psychology: a concise introduction eBook: Document. English. Fifth edition. New York: Worth. Editorial Reviews. About the Author. Richard A. Griggs is Professor Emeritus of Psychology at Psychology: A Concise Introduction 4th Edition, Kindle Edition. by. Psychology: A Concise Introduction explores the territory of the introductory psychology course while answering the growing need for a No eBook available Worth Publishers, Mar 18, - Psychology - pages Edition, illustrated.

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B fewer neurons to generate impulses. C more neurons to generate impulses more often. D a single neuron to send a bigger impulse. The A B C D is an insulating layer of a white fatty substance. The myelin sheath the neural impulse because. A speeds up; the axon becomes narrower B speeds up; the impulse "leaps" from one gap in the sheath to another C slows down; the axon becomes wider D slows down; the impulse is partially blocked by the myelin As a victim of multiple sclerosis, Mrs.

Samuels is suffering from deterioration of leading to an obvious difficulty in. A dendrites; hearing B dendrites; moving C the myelin sheath; hearing D the myelin sheath; moving , The destruction of the myelin sheath results in movement difficulties for sufferers of multiple sclerosis because: A unmyelinated axons transmit neural messages erratically, greatly slowing movement.

B cell bodies cannot respond to dendritic messages when axons are unmyelinated. C the transmission of the neural impulses is greatly slowed when myelin deteriorates. D the all-or-nothing event is stopped when axons are unmyelinated. Page 4 White matter in the brain is composed of: A myelinated axons. B unmyelinated axons. C myelinated dendrites. D unmyelinated dendrites. The outside layer of our cerebral hemispheres appears gray because it is composed of billions of: A neurotransmitters.

B cell bodies and dendrites. C dendrites and glial cells. D myelinated axons. White matter is composed of ; gray matter is composed of A myelinated axons; cell bodies and dendrites B cell bodies and dendrites; myelinated axons C dendrites; cell bodies and myelinated axons D cell bodies and myelinated axons; dendrites.

What happens when the impulse reaches the axon terminals? A The impulse reverses direction and travels back to the cell body. B The vesicles in the axon terminals fuse together. C The vesicles in the axon terminals open and neurotransmitters enter the synaptic gap. D The vesicles absorb neurotransmitters. After carrying their message across the synapse to the receptor sites, neurotransmitters: A may be consumed by the brain for energy. B may be destroyed in the synaptic gap by enzymes.

C may travel through the receptor sites into the next neuron. D None of the answers is correct. A They may be destroyed by enzymes. B They may be taken back into the axon terminals of the sending neuron for reuse. C They may be destroyed by enzymes or taken back into the axon terminals of the sending neuron for reuse.

D They are neither destroyed by enzymes nor taken back into the axon terminals of the sending neuron. Page 5 A neurotransmitter is: A the microscopic gap between neurons. B a naturally occurring chemical in our nervous system that specializes in transmitting information. C a chemical substance manufactured outside the body that can pass through the blood-brain barrier.

D a structure that pushes sodium out of the neuron. The synaptic gap is so small that hair.

Psychology: A Concise Introduction

A B C 2, D 10, synaptic gaps would fill one strand of human The synapse is: A the microscopic gap between neurons. C a fiber that emanates out of the cell body like the branches of a tree. D the long singular fiber leaving the cell body.

In relation to neural transmission, what is happening during binding? A Neurotransmitters attach themselves to cell bodies. B Neurotransmitters travel from the axon to the axon terminals. C Neurotransmitters attach to the axon terminals. D Neurotransmitters attach to dendrite receptor sites. Page 6 During reuptake: A vesicles release neurotransmitter molecules into the synaptic gap.

B neurotransmitter molecules cross the synaptic gap and attach to the receiving neuron. C neurotransmitter molecules are reabsorbed into the sending neuron's axon terminals. D enzymes destroy unused neurotransmitters in the synaptic gap. The brain consumes approximately A 5 B 10 C 25 D 50 Approximately A 10 B 20 C 25 D 40 percent of the body's oxygen. A Which areas of the brain are active when a person is reading a book?

B Is the left hemisphere or right hemisphere more involved in speech production? C Does neural activity during speech differ between deaf and speaking individuals? D Which neurotransmitter is involved in speech production? Page 7 In studying the brain, the technique involves detection of radioactive substances, and the technique involves the detection of the amount of oxygen being used by brain areas.

C fMRIs are less invasive and produce sharper images. D The fMRI is preferable for all of these reasons.

Prior to undergoing a brain scan, Brian takes a harmless dose of radioactive glucose. It is likely that Brian's doctor is using which technique? An agonist the activity of one or more neurotransmitters, and an antagonist the activity of one or more neurotransmitters. A increases; increases B increases; decreases C decreases; increases D decreases; decreases The neurotransmitter implicated in the memory losses associated with Alzheimer's disease is: A acetylcholine. B dopamine. C GABA. D serotonin.

Acetylcholine ACh is a neurotransmitter that is involved in: A control of arousal and mood states. B pain relief.

C inhibitory control. D muscle movement. Page 8 Botulinum poison, an for acetylcholine ACh , works by A antagonist; blocking receptor sites for B antagonist; blocking release of C agonist; stimulating receptor sites for D agonist; stimulating release of ACh. Which drug or poison initially acts as an agonist for acetylcholine ACh by causing its continuous release? A black widow spider venom B botulinum C curare D L-dopa Considering their effects on acetylcholine ACh , the poison curare poison botulinum.

A stimulates release; blocks release B occupies receptor sites; stimulates release C occupies receptor sites; blocks release D blocks release; occupies receptor sites and the In which way may a drug or poison have an agonistic effect on a neurotransmitter?

A stimulating release B inhibiting release C stimulating neurotransmitter breakdown D blocking receptor sites Black widow spider venom is A agonistic; antagonistic B antagonistic; agonistic C agonistic; agonistic D antagonistic; antagonistic Page 9 Why has Parkinson's disease been treated by injections of L-dopa rather than injections of dopamine?

A Dopamine cannot be made into a drug. B Dopamine cannot cross the blood-brain barrier. C L-dopa has fewer side effects than dopamine when taken as a drug.

Psychology: A Concise Introduction

D L-dopa is less expensive to manufacture than dopamine. A L-dopa becomes less effective as the disease progresses. B L-dopa is not effective for all Parkinson's patients. C Side effects of taking L-dopa resemble the symptoms of schizophrenia. D L-dopa can't cross the blood-brain barrier In which way may a drug or poison have an antagonistic effect on a neurotransmitter?

A stimulating release B stimulating production C blocking release D blocking reuptake Dopamine activity is believed to be Parkinson's disease sufferers. A lower; lower B higher; higher C higher; lower D lower; higher among schizophrenics and Amphetamines act as a dopamine by A agonist; stimulating dopamine release B agonist; blocking reuptake of dopamine C antagonist; stimulating dopamine release D antagonist; blocking reuptake of dopamine Page Cocaine acts as a dopamine by.

A agonist; stimulating dopamine release B agonist; blocking reuptake of dopamine C antagonist; stimulating dopamine release D antagonist; blocking reuptake of dopamine Amphetamines are to cocaine as is to A dopamine agonist; dopamine antagonist B dopamine antagonist; dopamine agonist C dopamine agonist; dopamine agonist D dopamine antagonist; dopamine antagonist.

Pleasurable mood effects of addictive drugs are associated with the release of: A acetylcholine. C norepinephrine.

Cocaine does NOT block the reuptake of: A dopamine. B serotonin. How do drugs such as Prozac work to reduce depression? A They block the reuptake of serotonin. B They block the release of serotonin. How do drugs such as Cymbalta and Effexor work to reduce depression? A They block the reuptake of serotonin only. B They block the release of serotonin only.

C They block the reuptake of serotonin and norepinephrine. D They block the release of serotonin and norepinephrine. B norepinephrine. C glutamate. D dopamine. Jose has epilepsy and has been prescribed Valium, a epileptic convulsions. B Ach. C endorphins. Morphine and heroin produce their pain relieving effects by: A releasing serotonin.

B binding to serotonin receptors. C releasing endorphins. D binding to endorphin receptors.

How do morphine and heroin reduce pain? A They prevent the reuptake of dopamine. C They block the receptor sites for serotonin. D They stimulate the receptor sites for endorphins.

While exercising, Sally experiences a "runner's high" that is associated with an increase in levels of: A acetylcholine. B endorphins. D norepinephrine. Page 13 Shelby had been receiving acupuncture to help relieve her back pain. Acupuncture may partially be explained as stimulation of: A endorphins. B glutamate. C serotonin. A central; central B central; peripheral C peripheral; central D peripheral; peripheral nervous system and the spinal cord is part of the The sympathetic nervous system is to as the parasympathetic nervous system is to.

A internal environment; external environment B external environment; internal environment C fight-or-flight; rest-and-digest D rest-and-digest; fight-or-flight After a good meal, Jane is relaxing comfortably as her food digests, suggesting her nervous system is in control.

When she is frightened by a loud noise, Jane's digestion is inhibited and her heartbeat accelerates, suggesting that her nervous system is in control. A sympathetic; sympathetic B sympathetic; parasympathetic C parasympathetic; sympathetic D parasympathetic; parasympathetic Which type of neurons is found only within the central nervous system?

Which is NOT a function of the spinal cord? A It is the pathway for incoming sensory messages to the brain. B It is the pathway for outgoing messages from the brain about motor movements.

C It controls reflexes such as the knee-jerk reflex that do not involve the brain.

D It regulates essential body functions such as heartbeat, breathing, and blood pressure. Autonomic is to somatic as is to A parasympathetic; sympathetic B external; internal C involuntary; voluntary D fight; flight. At dinner, while John converses with friends, his nervous system controls his heart rate and respiration.

His nervous system regulates his stomach and controls the digestion of food. A somatic; somatic B somatic; autonomic C autonomic; somatic D autonomic; autonomic At dinner, when John picks up his fork, his nervous system controls the movement of his fingers.

A somatic; somatic B somatic; autonomic C autonomic; somatic D autonomic; autonomic Page 15 Neurotransmitters; in the bloodstream Hormones; across the synapse Neurotransmitters; across the synapse Hormones; in the bloodstream A major difference between hormones and neurotransmitters is that: A hormones are part of the peripheral nervous system and neurotransmitters are part of the central nervous system. B neurotransmitters are released at their target site, whereas hormones are carried through the bloodstream to target sites.

C there are significantly more hormones in the body than there are neurotransmitters. D only hormones are capable of influencing male sexual activity through the effects of testosterone. A pituitary gland; hypothalamus B hypothalamus; pituitary gland C adrenal glands; pancreas D pancreas; adrenal glands The "master gland" of the endocrine system is the: A pituitary gland.

B hypothalamus. C adrenal gland. D thyroid gland. Page 16 A doctor has diagnosed Denise with a high blood-sugar level, a diagnosis that is MOST likely linked to a problem with the: A thyroid gland. B pituitary gland. C hypothalamus. He asked students their reactions to the statement that a little rebellion now and then is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms are in the physical.

The statement was attributed to either Thomas Jefferson, who actually made it, or Vladimir Lenin. Lorge found that participants were much more likely to agree with the statement when it was attributed to Jefferson. The explanation was Jefferson's greater prestige, among Americans, than Lenin's. He argued that people have a completely different interpretation of what a little rebellion means when mentioned by Lenin as opposed to Jefferson.

What changes is the object of judgment, not the judgment of the object Wheeler, This debate once again goes back to basic questions perhaps unresolvable of human motivation and rationality. Another important series of studies of interpersonal influence studies that have become classics in the field was conducted in the s by Muzafer Sherif to address in part questions debated by McDougall and Floyd Allport in earlier decades.

In it, he argued that certain ideas and feelings in groups have an existence independent of the individuals in the group. In the Watsonian tradition, Allport argued that the term group mind should be banished forever. For him, the unit of analysis should be the individual. There was no sense in positing an unobservable, unverifiable, mystical, and confusing group mind. McDougall came to regret using the term, but the debate about the nature of groups, and what, if anything, exists in groups apart from individuals became contentious.

Sherif quite deliberately stepped onto this battlefield.

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In Sherif's classic experiments, groups of participants were seated in a totally dark room with a single point-source of light in front of them. Because there is no frame of reference for judging the location of the light, it appears to move. How much it appears to move varies considerably with individual judges. Sherif established that groups devise norms that govern the judgments of individuals in the group, that new entrants into the group adopt those norms, and that people take established norms into new groups.

Thus, Sherif found that a set of norms that is characteristic of the group exists quite apart from any particular individual. The implications of this research for the group mind controversy aside, Sherif showed how hard people in ambiguous situations work to reduce confusion and define a frame of reference for making judgments.

They look to other people for information about reality and, through a process of mutual influence, develop norms and frames of reference. Importantly, Sherif showed that thoughtful, careful laboratory experimentation with relatively small numbers of people could explore basic aspects of group functioning that characterize groups ranging in size from a few individuals to whole cultures.

They both show continuing concern with the impact of the group on individuals. The first was conducted by Kurt Lewin and his colleagues, and was inspired by Lewin's experience as a refugee from Nazi Germany Lewin et al. Kurt Lewin is a giant in the history of social psychology, even though he was not a social psychologist at the beginning of his career.

Lewin started publishing his work in Germany in and made major contributions to understanding personality, child development, learning, memory, and perception. His work on conflict was particularly influential.

Lewin developed what he called field theory. In some ways, it was more a language than a set of theoretical propositions. Strongly influenced by physics and topology, Lewin used concepts such as the life space, vectors, region, force field, energy, need, tension system, and valence.

Field theory emphasized the way internal and environmental forces combined to influence behavior as people negotiated their way through their perceived world, or life space. Lewin was renowned for this linking of theory and data. Deeply concerned with world problems, Lewin wanted to do research that had an impact on important real-world problems.

He and his students called their work action research. He is often quoted as saying, there's nothing so practical as a good theory, and the definitive biography of Lewin, written by his close friend and collaborator Alfred Marrow, is called The Practical Theorist. It was there that Lewin and his colleagues conducted an important study on social climate and behavior in groups. Clubs composed of groups of eleven-year-old boys were supervised by adults who adopted one of three leadership styles: democratic, autocratic, or laissezfaire.

The democratic style produced constructive and independent group norms, marked by focused and energetic work whether the leader was present or absent. Boys in the groups with laissez-faire leadership were generally passive, while groups with autocratic leaders were either aggressive or apathetic.

Here was research with a social message. When large and dangerous countries led by authoritarian and totalitarian regimes were threatening world peace and democratic institutions, Lewin's action research spoke to the quality of life in differing social systems.

Research on group norms by Theodore Newcomb at Bennington College in the late s had less social relevance but dealt with perennial questions of the nature of social norms and social influence. In the s, the newly founded Bennington College, an undergraduate school for women, was an interesting mix of mostly liberal faculty members and mostly conservative students at least when the young women first enrolled.

Newcomb showed that students became considerably more liberal over time, and that the more they were accepted and integrated into the college community, the more liberal they tended to be. Local norms exerted a strong influence on those who became engaged in the community. In a follow-up study nearly thirty years later, Newcomb showed that the Bennington women remained liberal, particularly when they married husbands who supported their new attitudes.

The work of Sherif and Newcomb clearly demonstrated the power of social norms. It did not answer age-old questions about the role of rational as opposed to irrational processes in producing such dramatic conformity to social norms. These enduring questions would await further research, after World War II.

World War II and studies of group dynamics, attitudes, and person perception The research by Sherif on group norms and Lewin and his colleagues on leadership showed that social psychology was alive to important social issues. Once the USA was drawn into World War II, social psychologists became engaged in questions prompted by the need to mobilize the nation for a long conflict. Kurt Lewin again was at the forefront. He was asked by the National Research Council to study ways of persuading women homemakers to serve animal viscera heart, sweetbreads, and kidneys to their families.

Lewin continued to be interested in group forces and reasoned that influence through group norms would be more influential and more lasting than influence produced by a persuasive message presented in a lecture.

Lewin and later researchers Bennett, ; Radke and Klisurich, found that changes in attitude and behavioral commitmentproduced by perceptions of group norms were, in fact, the most dramatic. At the same time, other psychologists, led by Carl Hovland of Yale University, began exploring attitudes more broadly, with special emphasis on US army propaganda, especially with regard to issues affecting troop morale.

In the s, attitude had been thought to be the central concept in the field of social psychology McGuire, ; Thomas and Zaniecki, ; Watson, But attitude research had crested and faded during much of the s, as more work was done on group dynamics and interpersonal influence.

Issues of troop morale during the war brought renewed urgency to understanding attitudes. Much of the work that Hovland and his colleagues conducted during the war was summarized in the book Experiments on Mass Communication Hovland et al. Their work was focused on such questions as how long the war against Japan in the Pacific would last after the defeat of Nazi Germany in Europe. It explored a wide variety of independent variables, including whether to present information by lectures or films, and whether two-sided or one-sided messages produced more, and more lasting, persuasion.

After the war, Hovland and his colleagues at Yale continued to do groundbreaking research on attitudes. This work culminated in the classic volume, Communication and Persuasion by Hovland et al. This research studied in detail the paradigm, Who said what to whom?

How are different audiences affected by different messages from different communicators? Specific questions concerned the credibility of communicators, the organization and structure of messages, whether fear-arousing communications enhanced persuasion, and what audience personality variables affected the success of persuasive messages.

The work of the Yale school was guided in part by a model of persuasion based on the theoretical work of the behaviorist Clark Hull, long a member of the Yale faculty, and a mentor of Carl Hovland. Hull had developed the formulation that behavior is a function of drive and habit, or that performance is a function of learning and motivation. Therefore, the key to producing attitude change was to teach an audience a new point of view learning and the motivation to accept it.

Persuasion could also be seen as following the three steps of paying attention to the message, understanding it, and, finally, accepting or yielding to it. A great deal of creative research was done by focusing on the elements in this formula. Interestingly, this work was not divorced from the work on group dynamics and group norms that had been so influential prior to World War II. It reported a number of important studies by Harold Kelley on conformity to group norms, and summarized Kelley's seminal theoretical paper on the normative and comparison functions of reference groups.

After the war, at the same time that Hovland and his colleagues developed their highly creative work on communication and persuasion, Kurt Lewin and his successors continued their vigorous exploration of group dynamics. Lewin attracted a group of original and highly productive young scholars to the group dynamics enterprise. Festinger sought Lewin out for graduate work not because of an interest in social psychology, but because of the power of Lewinian ideas such as force fields, memory, and tension systems, and because of the excitement of tying theory closely to data.

Thus, Gordon Allport and Jerome Bruner were involved in the dynamic intellectual ferment of the immediate postwar period. In just a few years, due to MIT's waning interest in supporting an endeavor somewhat peripheral to its main concerns, the Center began a move to the University of Michigan. In the midst of this transition, Kurt Lewin suddenly died, and his successors took the leadership role.

Major works from the MIT years included Festinger et al. Once again, the influence of Lewin in doing practical research was evident. A housing shortage needed attention. In addition to the research centers at Yale and Michigan, exploring attitudes and group dynamics, respectively, another significant postwar development was taking place in response to the creative work of Fritz Heider.

Heider was a major figure in the tradition of Gestalt psychology, a perspective that emphasized cognitive and perceptual organization.

The term Gestalt comes from the German and means shape or form. Gestalt psychologists, such as Koffka, Kohler, and Wertheimer, emphasized the very active way people process information and organize perceptual elements into coherent wholes, particularly wholes that have good fit and are pleasing Koffka, One of its key principles is that the whole is different from the sum of its parts.

The parts are integrated into a meaningful and satisfying form. For example, the individual notes in a musical chord combine to make an integrated sound that has its own integrity Wheeler, In the s, Heider wrote two extremely influential papers that extended Gestalt principles into the realms of person perception, attitude organization, and interpersonal relations.

In , Heider published the paper social Perception and Phenomenal Causality, the first systematic treatment of attribution processes. Heider argued that perceivers link people's actions to underlying motives or dispositions because there is a good Gestalt or perceptual fit between the way people behave and the nature of their personal qualities.

This basic insight into the ways people make causal attributions for personal behavior was more fully developed later in Heider's classic book The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations Heider's other paper from the s had even more immediate impact Jones, In Attitudes and Cognitive Organization, Heider developed balance theory.

Again the emphasis, with some mathematical adornment, was on principles of good perceptual fit. People had both attitudes toward sentiment relations and connections to unit relations other people, objects, ideas, or events. The organization of these units could be in balance or out of balance. Balance prevails, for example, when person P is linked to an action and likes another person, O, who approves of that action. Imbalance exists when two people like each other but are linked in opposite ways to objects, actions, or ideas, or dislike each other but are similarly linked.

Balance theory gave rise somewhat later to a strong focus on cognitive consistency. Another enduring line of research in social psychology also developed in the immediate postwar years. Solomon Asch conducted several extremely important studies of person perception within the Gestalt tradition. Asch's paper Forming Impressions of Personality highlighted two findings.

The first was that perceivers given information about another individual's personal qualities organized that information into a coherent whole such that one critical piece of information could color the entire impression. People told to form an impression of a person who was intelligent, skillful, industrious, warm, determined, practical, and cautious perceived that individual very differently from one described as intelligent, skillful, industrious, cold, determined, practical, and cautious.

The only difference, of course, is the substitution of the word cold for the word warm. But these two traits serve to organize the overall impression such that terms like determined and industrious have a somewhat different meaning. Again, the whole perception is important, and the whole is different from the sum of the parts. Second, the impressions people form are strongly affected by the order in which they receive different pieces of information.

People learning that a person is intelligent, industrious, impulsive, critical, stubborn, and envious form a more positive impression than those who learn about someone who is envious, stubborn, critical, impulsive, industrious, and intelligent. The initial traits form the basis for an initial impression, and later information is made to fit that first impression.

Early research on impression formation and person perception explored questions such as the personal qualities of accurate judges of personality, but Asch's work and that of others cf. Bruner and Tagiuri, stimulated a more general consideration of the processes underlying the perception of people. But, arguably, the work of Leon Festinger has stimulated more theory, research, and controversy than that of anyone else.

His talent and his seniority among the many students of Lewin made him, along with Dorwin Cartwright, the leader of the Center for Group Dynamics after Lewin's death. Festinger was enormously energetic and original, and he produced highly creative and influential theory and research in a number of areas.

While it is possible to follow the transitions from one domain of research to another, the sheer range and variety of Festinger's work is extremely impressive.

Festinger's book on housing and affiliation, with Schachter and Back, was fundamentally a study of Social pressures in informal groups. Not surprisingly, in the same year, Festinger published an important theoretical paper, Informal Social Communication.

Festinger argued that the need to define social reality or to achieve group locomotion a classic Lewinian term meaning getting something accomplished created pressures toward uniformity of opinion within groups.

These pressures would be observed in informal social communication, or talk, among group members, and would tend to produce uniformity through opinion change or the rejection of people with deviant opinions from the group.

Festinger's theory produced a great deal of research that he conducted with colleagues such as Gerard, Hymovitch, Kelley, Raven, and Schachter. Perhaps the most important study in this tradition was Schachter's experiment on deviation and rejection, showing that people expressing a deviant opinion in groups were subject to an enormous amount of socialinfluence pressure, seen in increased communication, until they are rejected by the group if they refuse to conform.

Rejection is seen in cessation of communication treating the deviant as a nonperson and the assignment of unpleasant tasks to the deviant. Four years later, Festinger published his highly original and highly influential paper A Theory of Social Comparison Processes.

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Social-comparison theory can be viewed as an extension of the theory of informal social communication. It argues that people evaluate their abilities as well as their opinions through reference to a social reality. A key difference is that the new theory focused on the individual's need to evaluate opinions and abilities by comparison with similar others rather than the group's need to establish opinion uniformity.

This change in focus is reminiscent of issues pertaining to the group mind and the existence of group phenomena independent of the individuals in the group. The shift located Festinger's concerns directly in the mind of the individual person, thereby sidestepping the old questions of the independent nature of groups.

It is of interest that in considering ability as well as opinion evaluation, Festinger returned to the topic of his first publication, in , on level of aspiration. While the consideration of abilities, and the emphasis on individuals, are striking differences, the similarities between the theory of informal social communication and the theory of social-comparison processes are even more impressive.

Both theories highlight the importance of similarities among groups of individuals, and the tendency to reject, or cease comparing with, others who cannot be made similar.

Social-comparison theory essentially got lost for some time after its appearance, though it re-emerged sporadically during the s and s Latane, ; Suls and Miller, Now that it is firmly re-established, there is today a varied and vigorous tradition of social comparison research, a tradition linking social-comparison processes to issues of self and social identity Suls and Wheeler, Despite the enduring importance of social comparison theory, and the vitality of research on comparison processes today, Festinger is best known for another contribution.

Moving quickly and creatively after the publication of social comparison research, Festinger began studying rumor transmission. This seemed like a natural extension of his interest in communication. In studying rumors about natural disasters, such as earthquakes and floods, Festinger was struck by studies showing that people in areas outside sites of immediate destruction spread rumors about even worse calamities about to come Festinger, Why would people be creating and spreading fear-arousing rumors?

Why would they make themselves scared? Festinger had a transforming insight. The people were not making themselves scared. They were already scared, but had no clear justification for their anxious feelings.

They had to make up a cognition that fit and justified their emotion. The thought that they were scared did not fit the thought that there was nothing to fear. When cognitions do not fit, there is pressure, Festinger reasoned, to make them fit.

Thus was born the idea of cognitive dissonance. Early research by Brehm on decision making, research by Festinger et al. As for Festinger himself, after responding to a number of criticisms of dissonance theory, he once again moved on, physically and intellectually and, in , began studying color vision at the New School for Social Research. The most enduring line of research coming out of dissonance has examined the consequences of behaving inconsistently with attitudes.

A small incentive provides insufficient justification for the counterattitudinal behavior.

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Attitude change is necessary to justify the behavior and reduce dissonance. This and other research provided strong evidence for dissonance theory, even though critics dubbed the original experiment the 20 dollar misunderstanding. One reason that this line of research was important and controversial was that it cut against the behaviorist tradition which suggested that people should believe what they say the more they are paid reinforced for saying it.

Those in the behaviorist tradition Rosenberg, attacked the empirical base of the dissonance claims, but eventually most social psychologists came to accept the basic finding: there is an inverse relationship between reward for counter attitudinal behavior and subsequent self-justificatory attitude change. Later critics accepted the data but offered challenging alternative explanations. A self-perception account Bem, held that no dissonance motivation was needed to account for the findings people were merely inferring their attitude after considering their behavior and the situation in which they performed it.

A self-presentation account Tedeschi et al. And a more recent self-affirmation theory Steele, holds that people simply need to affirm that they are good rather than feel consistent. In contrast to these challenges, a provocative paper by Cooper and Fazio has strengthened the basic arguments of dissonance theory, pointing to the role of physiological arousal stemming from aversive consequences. A great deal of research on when and why self-justificatory attitude change takes place has kept the cognitive dissonance tradition alive and well.

The s: the return of social influence Thanks in part to the impact of Leon Festinger's own changes in direction, social-influence and group-dynamics research receded in prominence immediately after World War II. One extremely important exception was the work of Solomon Asch on prestige influence and conformity. As noted above, Asch was influenced by Gestalt principles and, in , he took on the studies by Moore and Lorge from the s and s, arguing that people were not thoughtlessly influenced by majority or expert opinion.

In the late s Asch also began his extremely important and influential studies of conformity. Asch asked naive research participants to make judgments about the length of lines when a unanimous majority of their peers made obviously erroneous judgments about the lines in a face-to-face situation.

The question was whether people would simply conform to others' judgments when it was entirely clear that their judgments were wrong.

Asch was surprised by the extent to which people did indeed conform. They were much more influenced by majority opinion, even when it was obviously in error, than he thought they would be.

Asch distinguished three processes that might have produced the conformity he observed. First, there might simply be distortion of action. People knew that the majority was wrong but simply went along with it anyway. Second, there might be distortion of judgment whereby people knew that they did not see the lines as the majority did, but figured that the majority must be correct.

Finally, in a few cases, there was distortion of perception whereby participants craned their necks and squinted until they actually saw the wrong line as the right one. Huge quantities of research have been done to explore the details of Asch-like conformity. One of the most important distinctions in this literature is the one between compliance and internalization, that is, simply going along with social pressure without believing what one is saying as opposed to actually coming to believe that others are correct.

Herbert Kelman importantly added to the conceptual A Century of Social Psychology: Individuals, Ideas, and Investigations : The SAGE Handbook of Social Psychology overview by suggesting that identification should be set alongside compliance and internalization as a process of opinion change.

Sometimes people come to believe something because they identify with an attractive source. They do not fully internalize the opinion into their belief and value system but hold it so long as they are trying to be like the attractive communicator.

Reintroducing identification brings back one of the original explanations in Le Bon's and Freud's account of leadership and group behavior. Issues of conformity and blind social influence were put into sharp relief in the early s by Stanley Milgram's , well-known studies of obedience to authority.

Adult, rather than student, research participants were drawn from the New Haven, Connecticut, area. Through strikingly clever experimental theatrics, including highly convincing experimenters and confederates, participants were urged by an experimenter to give what they believed were extremely painful and dangerous electric shocks to a learner in the context of a study on punishment.

Would subjects obey the experimenter ordering these shocks, or refuse to continue? Like Asch, Milgram found much more social influence than he, or almost anyone else, thought possible. Exactly why so many people were fully obedient to the experimenter, even though they believed that they might be very seriously harming another person, is still not entirely clear.

Probably critical was the experiment's insisting that he was responsible for the outcome of the experiment. Milgram proposed an essentially Lewinian explanation. A series of studies suggested that subjects were caught in a conflicting force field, and that they responded to whichever source the experimenter or the learner was closer. The closer the learner was to the participant, the more the participant could see or hear him, the less they obeyed directives to shock him.

Moreover, when the experimenter was more distant, sometimes even phoning in his directives, obedience dropped. The face-to-face some might say in your face nature of the situation seems extremely important, although it is not really clear what elements of the situation create such power. It may be that the participant's inability to articulate reasons for disobeying are an important element in producing obedience.

The Milgram research had a profound impact on social psychology for reasons quite beyond its empirical or theoretical implications. Observers of, as well as some participants in, the social psychological scene were disquieted by the wide use of deception in many of the experiments.

But Milgram's research set off a firestorm Baumrind, Was it ethical to deceive research participants? Was it moral to put them in situations that they had not consented to be in, and to stress, coerce, or embarrass them? These controversies Kelman, led to the formulation of strict review procedures endorsed by the APA and administered by the federal government. These review procedures are designed to protect human participants in psychological research. Yet some psychologists feel that they may have had a chilling impact on the whole research enterprise Festinger, One of the arguments psychologists have made in requesting latitude in the procedures they use to conduct research is that they must create situations of high impact in order to study important phenomena.

A compelling example of the study of behavior in high-impact situations is the research on bystander intervention in emergencies, or helping behavior, initiated by John Darley and Bibb Latane in the s Darley and Latane, ; Latane and Darley, Darley and Latane were spurred by the famous case in of Kitty Genovese in New York City, where thirty-eight bystanders watched while Genovese was stabbed repeatedly and eventually killed in an incident that unfolded over a half-hour.

Not one of the observers even called the police, although that would have been very simple. Why didn't people help? Darley and Latane explored these questions in a series of experiments that generated a large and lively research tradition on helping and altruism. They suggested a five-step model whereby intervening was dependent on noticing the emergency, interpreting it as a situation where help was needed, accepting responsibility for intervening oneself, knowing the appropriate form of assistance, and, finally, taking action.

Studies suggested that misinterpretation and diffusion of responsibility were important variables in affecting people's behavior in such situations.

Importantly, the presence of more than one observer dramatically increased the chances of both those variables depressing the rate of helping. Research by Jane and Irving Piliavin Piliavin et al. Originally focusing on both the rewards and costs of both helping and not helping in various situations, the model evolved toward putting more emphasis on the costs of each course of action, especially helping. The latter variable seems to have most impact.

Research on bystander intervention and helping raised basic questions about human values and human morality once again, questions that have been around since the ancient Greeks. Do people care for their fellow human beings? Can they cooperate, or are they doomed to compete? What mix of altruism and hedonism, or cooperation and competition, can we expect in social interaction?

Questions of altruism are alive and well right now Batson, ; Cialdini et al. Similarly, questions of cooperation and competition, and, more generally, social justice are alive and well at present, largely due to influential work in the s by Deutsch and Krauss on threat and cooperation and Lerner on people's belief in a just world Lerner and Simmons, B myasthenia gravis.

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