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SINHALA CV PDF

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Visual merchandiser CV sample. Free CV templates. Free CV template examples by job sector: This special incident, namely the introduction of Buddhism to Sri Lanka gave a strong Aryan character to the language and motivated some scholars Siddhartha, , for example to assume that the Prakritic dialect originally brought to Sri Lanka was. Magadhi, a highly refined form of which was used to record the Buddhist Canons and a slightly less refined form of which was the language of the Ashoka inscriptions.

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Another point to be noted is that soon after their settlement in Sri Lanka, Sinhala people commenced contacts and communication with their immediate neighbors, the Dravidians. Chapter 1.

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Introduction Sinhala with North Indian languages, the impact of linguistic contact with Dravidian languages has brought considerable changes to the whole language, making such convergence features explicit in grammar, lexicon and writing system.

De Silva, Before observing further contact situations, it is relevant to mention another important turning point in Sri Lanka's linguistic and cultural history which helped to introduce some particular features to Sinhala. As the Indo-Aryan languages of the Indian sub-continent have acquired distinct features by departing from the evolutionary path followed by the languages of the Indo --European family in the west, so Sinhala has distinguished itself from the North--Indian language by acquiring linguistic fea-tures resembling South-Indian languages like Tamil.

Siddhartha has grasped the historical factor behind this obvious tendency as relating to Sinhala: Up to the end of the Eighth Century the Sinhalese had free communication with the North Indians.

From the time that the Sinhalese people lost their connection with the Aryans ofNorth India their language which also had already taken another course owing to new influences, began deviating rapidly and in a few centuries it became practically a new language. Paranavitana 1. According to him, The Sinhala language had separated itself from the main group of Indo--Aryan languages many centuries before the time when the distinctive features ofthe Prakrits were evolved, and had led its own life without having any intimate contact with other languages of the family to whid1 it belonged.

A solid block of Dravidian-speaking people st'Parated the Sinhalese from the Aryan--speaking races of India. Paranavitana, After sketching out the origin of Sin hal a and the foundation of its development, we are now in a better position, I believe, to get a wider picture of the development of the language. Geiger's study of the evolution of Sinhala based on a careful examination of the inscriptions and literary works available from the 2nd century B.

According to him, five periods are distinguishable.

Period 1. Brahmi inscriptions Period 2: Prato--Sinhalese 5th c. Very few inscriptions Period 3: Mediaeval Sinhalese 8th c. Inscriptions and from the 9th or lOth c.

Literary works Period 4: Classical Sinhalese 13th c. Chiefly literary works Period 5: Modern Sinhalese 17th c. For the period of Prato-Sinhalese, for example, in which Sinhala passed through its greatest changes and some of its features went out of currency or were substituted by others at later periods, the linguistic records available are not abundant. The period of Mediaeval Sinhalese, on the other hand, which formed the transition to the language of modern period, has abundant documents.

Among these records, the Sigiri Graffiti - Sinhala verses from the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries written on the Sigiri wall called the Mirror Wall and deciphered and commented on by S. Paranavitana provides valuable data enabling us to understand the true character of the contemporary language. The reason for delineating the period of Classical Sinhalese as starting trom the middle of the 13th century; according to Geiger 1.

One may wonder how there can be any relationship between the production of a grammar and the beginning of a new historical period in a language. The compilation of Sidat Sangarawa, in fact, became the cardinal event in Sinhala linguistic history by its fixation of an authorized form of the language conforming to a learned treatment.

This native grammar laid down, for a large part, the form of the language, not only for composing verse, which was the original purpose of the compiler as argued by some scholars, but also for prose writing, which should thenceforth be used according to the rules based on the proper usages of the educated. Although the literary language has been preserved in that prescribed form, to a large extent, even up to the present time, the spoken language has tmdergone many changes acquiring modern forms of speech, fi:.

During the period of western colonization in Sri Lanka which began in the 16th century; Sinhala received many influences from the languages of colonial rulers such as the Dutch, Portuguese and English.

Gunasekara ; has included, apart from the large amount of words naturalized or derived from Tamil, a collection of western lexical items that have had a strong hold on the language.

These new vocabularies made their inroads in the language through the dialects of the coastal areas which were occupied by the Dutch and Portuguese rulers before the whole island became a British colony in the 19th century. A native scholar in the first half of the 20th century Siddhartha lamented the perceived decline in the standard language: One watches with great grief how the Sinhalese dialects spoken by the people in the interior of the Island are fast losing their purity owing to the introduction of words and phrases once peculiar to the language spoken by those who live in the maritime parts.

Introduction Typological character of the language Sinhala is a head--finallanguage. In the process of modification, modifiers precede the head. Sinhala is a highly consistent OV language Lehmann in that the subject need not be taken into consideration when verbal modifiers are introduced. The typological characteristics of Sinhala will be sketched below in accordance with the basic patterns and processes.

Depending on the nature of the predicate, verbal or non--verbal, there are two main clause--types. Non-verbal clauses include equational sentences and non-equational sentences which appear with non-verbal predicates. The pattern exemplified by 5 has a postpositonal i. The marker appearing at the end of the adjectival predicate in 4 is recognized as an assertion marker, which is obligatory for vowel--final adjectives when 7 8 Sinhala they appear as predicates.

When consonant-final adjectives constitute the predicate, the sentence is complete without any morpheme intervening between the predicate and sentence boundary.

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The other type of clause, namely the verbal clause is identified by a verb occurring as the predicate. Verbal clauses occupy a cardinal position in the language in terms of their distributional potentialities and transformational variations.

Clause types can be roughly classified on the basis of verb classes and the permitted number of valency relations. Accordingly, one hierarchy covers the range of transitive, intransitive and ditransitive clauses.

Cutting across these classes, there appears the active--inactive dichotomy. In general, transitive and ditransitive clauses are active, with a subject denoting "actor" role whereas intransitive clauses split into active and inactive types depending on whether the subject has the "actor" or "undorgoer" role. V and SDO-.

They illustrate the basic SOV order of constituents in the clause; the complement NP precedes the verb; the subject precedes the verb and the complement of the verb as well. In these canonical sentence patterns, although the nominal constituents are governed by the verbal predicate, the governed element does not necessarily undergo a change in f rm.

Both in transitive and intransitive sentences, subject and direct object are realized as direct case nominals, that is, without any change in the form of the substantive.

By the same token, a postposition follows the noun. Look at the example: 10 man atin Hum; iruna by letter tear. Introduction This sentence belongs to a subclass of the inactive intransitive clause in Sinhala. Since the verb is in the inactive form, there cannot be a prototypical agent instigating the event. The postposition atin, which is added to the first person pronoun, marks the inadvertent actor behind the action.

Thus the complement noun precedes the postposition to which it relates. Another clausal pattern showing the characteristics of an SOV language is seen in constructions involving a standard.

In comparative constructions and in names the relationship between a variable and its standard is considered to be comparable to that between a verb and its object Lehmann Comparative sentences that express a comparison of inequality are constructed by establishing a variable and comparing this with a proposed object or standard.

Sinhala adjectives do not inflect for the comparative or superlative degree but take adverbs like waqaa 'more' and wreqima 'most' to indicate the variable degree. The degree adverb precedes the adjective.Strengths of the study The main strengths of this study were following a comprehensive and rigorous methodology, and using advanced statistical techniques to address the structure and distribution of the data.

The inter-rater reliability of the original scale was 0. The nasal is syllabified with the onset of the following syllable, which means that the moraic weight of the preceding syllable is left unchanged.

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The scale encompasses eight activities which includes ability to use telephone, shopping, food preparation, housekeeping, laundry, transport, ability to handle finances and responsibility for own medication.

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