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A bone pin cm 13,5 has spiralled grip and ends in a pinecone shape Fig. Another bone probe cm 9,2 of uncertain function ends in a caprine hoof similar to many Pompeian hair-pins Fig. A small bronze spoon-probe 'nettaorecchi', cm 12,7 has a small round concave cup, and a handle ending in sharp point Fig.

Two pins, in bone, not found for the study, are described in the Inventory as "asticciole finienti a punta in uno estremo, e concave nell'altro", and were quite probably cosmetic spoons ex Two bronze strigils of medium size Figs. A bronze tweezer 8,5 cm is of the type with offset shoulders Fig. All glass-ware was transported to Naples Museum in the spedition n. Originally present were 28 unguentaria in glass according to the information contained in the Inventory, there were seven pear-shaped small bottles of ca.

Two are of 24 Ria Berg Fig.

The unguentaria transferred to MANN are not fig- ured. For descriptions, see n. For bronze boxes as containers for medicines, see Krug , For box containers of coticulae, see Riha , 44— Casa Imperiale I 11, 17 A further example of an exception- ally rich toiletry set found in a small and modest house is that of the so- called Casa Imperiale.

Despite its modest appear- ance, the house contained one of the richest collections of toiletries of the fifteen houses. Excavators Fig. Plan of Casa Imperiale I 11, 17 found a silver lid mirror decorated with the indication of the findspot of the with incision, together with twen- toiletries x. These objects had probably been contained in a wooden box, which decomposed, as demonstrated by the surviving bronze Fig.

Toiletry set found in Casa Imperiale. See n. Furthermore, 20 un- guentaria of different shapes were present. These include: eight of the common forms Scatozza 46—47 Figs. Jewellery found together include a bronze ring , a bronze signet ring , and four buttons in rock crystal Aurunculeius Secundio, was exception- ally well furnished with bronze vases suitable for ablutions during banquets.

In these three cases, lavish cosmetic sets would plausibly have been as- sociated with women abiding in small-medium sized houses, with some con- nection to restoration services. Here, the discourse again meets that of the con- flicting ideals of Roman female beauty and habits, the "anti-cosmetic tradition" and its transgressions.

The following chapters trace, as an excursus, the literary evidence on the status and loci of cosmetic use of the Roman courtesan. Toiletries and Taverns The moralistic tradition of Roman literature never recommends the use of cos- metics to matrons, who should be distinguished by the sobriety of their groom- ing and their modest clothing; neat, clean and unadorned.

Clasp: Inv. In particular, basin type S inv.

To be noted also that the cosmetic manuals of antiquity were written by and for courtesans, such as Elephantis Gal. For the legal definition of matronly appearance see McGinn , — Although often cited as evidence for the grooming practices of Roman matrons, at a closer look, the most detailed grooming scenes in Roman litera- ture, for example in Plautus' Mostellaria and Poenulus, actually take place in courtesans' boudoirs.

In effect, thermopolia, popinae, cauponae and hospitia were equal to lupanaria in Roman law as loci inhonesti, even if this certainly does not mean that prostitution was conducted in all Roman food and drink outlets. The scene in Poenulus includes discourse on female toiletries by Adelphasium and Anterastilis, forced to work as courtesans — Galla is described as putting her teeth, eyebrows and practically her whole face in pyxides for the night.

Her price is in epigram 9. For further discussion of these passages, and descriptions of prostitution according to Roman law, see Guzzo — Scarano Ussani , , n. On the evidence of the assimilation of barmaids with prostitutes at Pompeii, see Savunen , So far, architec- Toiletries and Taverns.

Cosmetic Sets in Small Houses, Hospitia and Lupanaria at Pompeii 29 Movable finds have so far received almost no consideration among the possible clues to identify lupanaria in Pompeii. Its higher status equivalents, although less evident in their architectural features, could, however, be more detectable on the basis of movable finds, including toiletries and banquet equipment.

In this latter case, not only sexual services were paid for, but the whole setting of a convivium in a pleasant atmosphere; dining, entertaining discussion and musical performance in the presence of women. On the difficulties of defining brothels in Roman Pompeii and their relation with cauponae, popinae, cellae meretriciae, and deversoria, see Kleberg , 89 et passim; Wallace-Hadrill ; McGinn , 11—13; Varone , 94; ; Guzzo and Scarano Ussani , — The latter estimate the number of prostitutes active in Pompeii as 80—, of which perhaps only 20 worked in the Lupanar VII, 12, 18—20, and the rest, consequently, in other places.

Scarce finds have been recorded as coming from the Pompeian purpose-built Lupanar, see Giornale degli scavi of Giuseppe Fiorelli, , 48— On this argument, Berg forthcoming. In Rome, cf. Tomei For an interesting parallel for a funerary context of a courtesan, see Deodato , 92— For these, see also Varone , et passim.

In Pompeian erotic paintings, the figures of luxurious hetairai have conven- tionally been seen only as poetic citations of Hellenistic iconography, without any direct reference to existing realities.

The types of jewellery worn in the paintings indicate contemporaneous rather than Hellenistic inspiration; see d'Ambrosio — De Carolis — Guzzo , 54— According to the scholar , ix , the elegiac puella "can be nothing other than a courtesan of formidable intelligence, education and independence.

See also Keith , 26, who states that 31 "the elegiac mistress herself must thus be counted another luxury import from eastern Mediterranean, like the silks, gems and perfumes in which she conventionally dresses. On the difference between pay- ments and gifts, see Davidson , — For the status of freeborn or freedwoman independent courtesan, in contrast to the servile prostitute, see, for example, Formigoni Candini , 17—19; James , , Propertius narrates Cynthia's large house 2,6,1—4 , numerous servants 4,8 , and her golden statue of Venus 4,7,47—48 , golden clothing 4,8,39— A historical courtesan figure, Chelidon, mistress of Verres, had a large and lavishly fur- Toiletries and Taverns.

Cosmetic Sets in Small Houses, Hospitia and Lupanaria at Pompeii 31 freeborn or freed status of the women would have been of major importance, because the difference between slaves and free prostitutes was crucial, as slaves could not own property, nor have any control over their bodies whether work- ing in a household or in a lupanar , whereas women of free status, even cour- tesans, could. Indeed, their houses are mostly re- ferred to only through the metaphoric door — certainly not that of a father or a husband, and unlikely to be that of a common lupanar — guarded by a ianitor and other dependent staff.

See Olson , and Berg forthcoming on prostitutes wearing gold jewellery. Also the Greek hetairai are frequently described as owners of luxurious pos- sessions, see Cohen , , n.

See, for example, Lucian's Dialogues of Courtesans 4, 1. For slaves and free prostitutes in classical Athens, cf. Cohen The very definition of prostitution in Rome requires that venal sex is practised palam, publicly, and vulgo, without choosing the client, excluding de facto free courtesans from this classification: D.

As noted by Guzzo and Scarano Ussani , , on the limits of prostitution: 'atti sessuali prestati a pagamento, ma non palam, non configuravano il meretricio'. For further discussion of the passages, McCoy , — For Volumnia Cytheris, mima, freedwoman and lover of M.

Junius Brutus, M. Antonius, to whom Gallus wrote elegies by calling her Lycoris, mentioned by Vergil, see Keith , 30— Here, the aforementioned grooming scene of Plautus' Mostellaria could be brought to mind again: in this passage, the courtesan Philemation possesses and uses a silver mirror, a fact underlined by the advice of her elderly servant Scapha to wash her hands after holding it, lest they take on the smell of silver, referring to accepting money.

Indeed, several Pompeian silver mirrors come from hospitia and modest private houses. The high number of individuals, most probably female, who have written graffiti praising male sexual performances, of the type 'Felix bene futues' CIL IV , has been noted by Varone , —9.

Figurae veneris pdf

Varone suggests such texts might have been written by women of free status, involved with men who prostituted themselves, but a more plausible explanation could be that they were prostitutes or courtesans of free status, but without a proper house.

CIL IV , , , , For example, Guzzo — Scarano Ussani , 85 refer to prostitutes wearing substitutes for valuable elite jewellery. Of the remain- ing seven silver mirrors, four come from modest atrium houses and three from houses traditionally called hospitia. In the so called stabulum and hospitium of Equitius and Tegeticula I 14, 13 in total two silver mirrors and three bronze ones were found.

This is a large architectonic complex with a very irregular plan, including a thermopolium, several triclinia and cubicula scattered amidst stables Toiletries and Taverns. Cosmetic Sets in Small Houses, Hospitia and Lupanaria at Pompeii 33 A significant parallel for the connection between precious metals and prostitution as an archaeological problem is offered by the golden bracelet with the inscription domnus ancillae suae found in Murecine in , rais- ing the question of how an ancilla, i.

These could certainly be luxury objects when fabricated in fused bronze and decorated with elaborate bands of relief, like the one found among the toi- letries of the House of L. As these objects are quite rare among Pompeian finds, it may be significant that the closest parallel to this jar, even more elaborate and therefore frequently illustrated in exhibition catalogues, was found in the House of Mestrius Maximus I 9, 12 , together and garden areas, situated near the amphitheater.

For the condition of the woman who wore it, as a slave, a copa, a prostitute or a lena id. The scholars claim that the other jewels that the woman hoarded in a purse, including gold bracelets and long chains, together with the place of discovery, a river port inn, might suggest she was involved in prostitution see also id.

Particularly significant would be the inclusion in the purse of the long gold chains worn on the nude body, in iconography typical of Venus, Eros and prostitutes Guzzo — Scarano Ussani , ; Scarano Ussani , 88—, fig. Guzzo and Scarano Ussani resolve the legal dilemma of the possession, at Murecine, of gold jewellery by a slave by considering them as peculium, remaining ultimately in the possession of the dominus ; , Contra Costabile , 49 et passim , prefers to interpret the role of the woman as a beloved of slave status rather than a prostitute, possibly consequently manumitted by the patron.

Also in this case, I am inclined to interpret the status of the woman as freed, a courtesan rather than a lupa, and thus proprietor of the jewels, even though not renouncing her earlier role as ancilla significantly not serva after the manumission. If the less juridical reading of ancilla sua is accepted, this could indeed be a gift received upon obtaining freedom and actual possession of the jewels could thus be legitimate. Ancilla could, as a pet name, also refer to a state of moral de- pendency that continued even after manumission.

In the famous funerary inscription of a probable courtesan Allia Potestas CIL VI , CLE , set up by her former patron and lover, who placately commemorates also her other two lovers, she is lovingly praised for her domestic virtues, bodily beauty and, significantly, for "never having considered herself as free", numquam sibi libera visa v.

Furthermore, her patron allegedly wore a gold item with her name inscribed upon it v. Conclusions Jewellery and toiletries in precious metals found in archaeological contexts have mostly been read as indicators of elite status.

From literary sources we know, however, of courtesans wearing and owning gold jewellery, and owning silver mirrors and houses. Examining the Pompeian artifact assemblages, it is evi- dent that mirrors and toiletries are found in all types of houses in Pompeii, but the highest concentrations of them, including rare and precious objects, are to be found in modest atrium houses and taverns.

I propose that there are good grounds to identify many of these houses, with anomalously rich toiletries and bronze vessels for ablutions, as places where commercial activities including eating, drinking, and banquets with prostitutes or courtesans took place. I propose, as a hypothesis to be examined in further research, to include rich collections of toiletry items, in particular cosmetic sets, as further indicators of prostitution in Pompeii.

Scholars studying Roman female dress and grooming have often sup- posed that moralistic rules on appearance were, in reality, largely ignored, and that, in the Imperial era, lavish adornment and make-up would have been a val- id status symbol also for well-to-do matrons.

This is undoubtedly true for the elaborate hairdo, a status symbol sine qua non, and some pieces of costly gold jewellery. As for the cosmetics, the analysis of Pompeian finds strongly suggests that the ownership of abundant cosmetic instruments, such as large collections of unguentaria and pyxides, was not a proper status symbol for elite women.

The image of the Pompeian matron could thus have been a step closer to the austere Roman moralistic and rhetorical ideals than earlier presumed. For the house, Berg a, — Grete Stefani and to dr. Antonio Varone for Toiletries and Taverns. Allison Pompeian Households. Westgate — N.

Fisher — J. Whitley eds. Berg Berg a. Berg b. Riflessioni sul mundus muliebris nella pittu- ra pompeiana", in I. Bragantini ed.

Berg ed. Osanna — C. Rescigno eds. Berg forthcoming. Berg — R. Neudecker eds. Cahill Cenerini La donna romana. Cioccoloni Cesarano and Sig.

Katariina Mustakallio for support and advice, to all members of the Circolo Gianicolense for commenting an earlier version of the paper, and to dr. Ville Vuolanto for valuable comments.

I also thank the Dutch Institute in Rome for the opportunity to present an earlier version of this work in the conference 'Gender in Mediterranean Archaeology', in 31 May — 1 June Cipollaro — G. Di Bernardo Ciarallo — E. De Carolis eds. Natura, scienza e tecnica nell'antica Pompei, Napoli, — Clarke Looking at Lovemaking.

Constructions of Sexuality in Roman Art B. Faraone — L.

McClure eds. Costabile Scarano Ussani ed. Suburbio portuale di Pompei, Napoli, 43— D'Ambra Nude Portraits of Roman Matrons", in N. Kampen ed. De Carolis I monili dell'area vesuviana Cataloghi della So- printendenza archeologica di Pompei, 6 , Roma. De Carolis — P. Guzzo I gioielli nella pittura vesuviana Quaderni di studi pompeiani 2 , Roma.

Davidson Courtesans and Fishcakes. De Felice Roman Hospitality. The Professional Women of Pompeii, Penn. Della Corte Amori e amanti di Pompei antica, Cava de' Tirreni. Case ed abitanti di Pompei terza edizione, P. Soprano ed. Deodato Una particolare deposizione femminile: la tomba 70", In G. De Tommaso, Ampullae vitreae. Contenitori in vetro di unguenti e sostanze aromatiche dell'Italia romana I sec.

Edwards Hallet — M. Skinner eds. Ellis The Pompeian Bar and the City. Thesis, University of Sydney. Eschebach, Formigoni Candini Ancora su D. Guzzo — V. Scarano Ussani Veneris figurae.

Immagini di prostituzione e sfrut- tamento a Pompei, Napoli. Ex corpore lucrum facere. Our hermeneutic work, however, does not end with the individual poem. For just as readers of inscribed epigram interpret a poem as part of its physical setting whether a necropolis, a shrine, or the marketplace , so the readers of literary epigram are invited to interpret a given poem in the context of neighboring texts in the very different confines of the scroll.

The Textuality of Epigram Books In particular, these readers are faced with a crucial question: in what relation does the individual poem stand to the context in which it is transmitted, and what are the dynamics involved in reading epigram collections?

For a long time, scholars tended to examine epigrams in isolation. In the medium of the book, however, the semantic potential of individual epigrams can be significantly modified and enhanced by surrounding poems, and this textual interaction seems to have played an integral role in the design of epigrammatic libelli following Argentieri , I use this term with reference to a purposeful arrangement of epigrams by a single author, as opposed to a sylloge or mere compilation of texts by one or more epigrammatists.

Unfortunately, Greek epigrams largely come down to us outside of their original contexts, in later anthologies. Not all scholars agree, of course, on the significance of the book as a medium for epigrams. Bing In their brevity epigrams, no doubt, lend themselves to such impro- visation. But even if epigrammatists composed some of their poems for separate occasions, these same poets clearly understood and exploited the semantic impact of the libellus on its individual components.

For they saw that poems can be made to interact with neighboring texts, when set in a purposeful arrangement, regardless of their origin on poetry books and epigrammatic libelli, cf. While the incipit of Anth. The New Posidippus Sequences of funerary, dedicatory or ekphrastic epigrams may thus evoke the grouping of inscriptional verse, be it in a cemetery, a temple or an art gallery. The Milan Posidippus papyrus P.

VIII is a case in point. Published in by Bastianini and Gallazzi, this Epigram and Minor Genres sensational find preserves over epigrams — all but two previously unknown — by Posidippus of Pella first half third century BCE. These grant us a unique glimpse into the workings of an early Greek epigram libellus cf. Not all agree on the nature of this collection: while the communis opinio regards Posidippus as its author, some deny that all poems are by him. And while several scholars argue convincingly in my view that the arrangement is an artful one, going back to the author him- self, others prefer to ascribe it to a later editor.

It came, at any rate, as a great surprise that the collection is divided into thematically arranged sections, each headed by a title. Whereas some of the categories, such as anathematika or epitumbia, are conventional, others appear — at least from a modern perspective — rather exotic e.

This serves to remind us that the Stephanos or Garland c. Gutzwiller , — Gutzwiller , which describes a series of bronze statues. And you will see full well [the pole, as thin as a hair], and sitting on it you might see a fly [of the size of the chariot]. Far more could be said about the links between the two epigrams and their interaction with further texts in the collection. A Sequential Reading of Lucillius Anth.

Following Cameron , Gideon Nisbet has argued that the main function of satirical epigrams was to serve as entertainment at dinner parties. Most skoptic epigrams are contained in Book 11 of the Anth. Cameron , 84— Olympicus here, who now looks like this, used to have, Augustus, a nose, a chin, brows, ears and eyelids. But then he enrolled as a boxer and lost everything, so that he did not even get his share of the paternal heritage.

For his brother, having a portrait of him, brought it forth [in court], and Olympicus, bearing no similarity to it, was judged to be a stranger. For if you see your face clearly, you will die like Narcissus — hating yourself to death.

When Odysseus, in the 20th year, returned home safely, Argus the dog recognized his appearance upon seeing him. You, however, Stratophon, after four hours of boxing, have become unrecognizable not to dogs, but to your city.

On its own the second poem might appear to mock a man for his innate ugliness. As I will argue, the poem is, indeed, intimately linked with the two surround- ing texts, and its position in the midst of this triad is anything but coincidental. But let us, first of all, examine the individual epigrams. The beginning of Anth. Though his match lasted an epic four hours, its duration cannot compete with the long absence of Odysseus, who was identified by his dog after 20 years abroad.

By evoking the Odyssean anagnorisis scene, Lucillius creates, I submit, an implicit link to the failed recognition of Olympicus in Anth. The motif of the mirror, a glance into which would make Stratophon question his own sense of self, connects the epigram in turn with the middle poem, Anth. But there is more to it than that. For did the seer Tiresias not prophesy that Narcissus would live to old age — as long as he did not know himself cf.

Ovid Met. When the youth realizes that he is looking at and pining for his own reflection, he vanishes from unfulfilled desire.

The subtle manner in which Anth. Critics might object that epigrams dealing with the same subject matter are bound to exhibit certain similarities and that verbal echoes are only to be expected. But I hope to have shown how a linear reading can reveal connections that go beyond the purely accidental, how epigrams may enter into a meaningful dialogue with neighboring texts.

Fantuzzi Gutzwiller , In many cases he also inscribed himself into the tradition and laid the foundation for future imitations. It is, more- over, worthy of note that epigram was to become the medium for Greek erotic poetry, having inter alia a profound impact on Latin love elegy Keith In Anth.

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Alas, friend of lovers, away with you! Meleager tells the insect to fly away, since he has known its message for a long time — presumably due to his personal experiences with Heliodora. But could one not also take the last line as a comment on the long tradition of the image?

Could Meleager not be suggesting on a metapoetic level that we, i. Since flowers are a common image for poetry — an image that Meleager himself prominently exploits in the preface to his Stephanos Anth. In his version, Marcus Argentarius, an epigrammatist of the early Imperial age, returns to the usual dichotomy, while giving another amusing twist to the image Anth. I know this and am putting it, lady, into my heart.

These sexual innuendos might, in fact, have inspired the following epigram by Cillactor around CE; Anth. It is sweet to fuck. Who would deny it? But when she asks for money, it becomes more bitter than hellebore. The image of the bee is also clearly sexualized in an epigram by Strato Anth. For I too have the sting of love.

That Strato modeled his epigram on Meleager is clear. Consider, for instance, the isopsephic epigrams of Leonides of Alexandria first century CE , where the numerical value of the letters in one line or couplet equals that of the other Luz , — The Anth.

Luz , —5 with further references. For I was born back when Necessity held sway and all bowed to her baleful rules, everything creeping and everything crawling through the aether. From them I took away the ancient scepter, and I determined laws for the gods.

The confines of this essay do not permit me to discuss this text in more detail. Luckily, though, the tide has changed, and recent years have seen a great number of important publications on Greek epigram. So far, however, the focus has primarily been on Hellenistic authors, and scholars have yet to mine the Palatine Anthology for the epigrammatic production of later ages with all its precious gems.

Accessed April 6, Gutzwiller forthcoming , ad loc. Kosmetatou, and M. Baumbach, eds. VIII Cambridge, MA. VIII, , col. XI, ll. XXXIV, Argentieri, L.


Austin, C. Bastianini, eds. Posidippi Pellaei quae supersunt. Bastianini, G. Gallazzi, eds. Posidippo di Pella: Epigrammi P. Baumbach, M. Petrovic, and I. Petrovic, eds.L'esempio del lupanare di Pompei", in A. De Carolis, in: The Professional Women of Pompeii, Penn.

It is there when politics ceases to be the art of mediation between different interests and becomes an imposition of power under the burden of institutionalism.

Lacan But let us, first of all, examine the individual epigrams. The Textuality of Epigram Books In particular, these readers are faced with a crucial question: in what relation does the individual poem stand to the context in which it is transmitted, and what are the dynamics involved in reading epigram collections?

OLD s. For the Romans, baths, wine, and lovemaking all went together and were among Fig.

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