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PDF - Devils, Demons, and Witchcraft. Throughout history, artists have grappled with the problem of depicting clearly and forcefully the principles of evil and. PDF | In accounts of “traditional Melanesia,” we learned that witchcraft was an underlying structural condition of relations between men and. Devils, Demons, and Witchcraft (gnv64).pdf - Ebook download as PDF File .pdf), Text File .txt) or read book online.

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witch, the folkloric witch and the envisioned witch. The demonic witch was in league with the Devil; the village witch worked harmful magic on neighbours; the . Devils Demons And Witchcraft Pdf Book Library - [FREE] DEVILS DEMONS AND WITCHCRAFT. PDF BOOK LIBRARY Egypt. Both deities and demons can act. Thank you very much for downloading devils demons and witchcraft book library. Rather than enjoying a fine PDF later than a cup of coffee in the afternoon.

The sorcerer Gilbert shackled by the warlock Catillum on the isle of WeteIlacas. From Glaus Magnus' Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus, Rome, Sorcerer selling a bag of wind tied up in three knots of a rope.

Witch conjUling up demons. Witch brewing up a storm. Satan rebaptizing young sorcerers. Sorcerer exchanging the Gospels for a book of black magic. From R. Guaccius' Compendium Maleficarum, Milan, Satan applying his claw malk to an apprentice sorcerer.

Witch giving the ritual kiss to Satan. From R P. Macbeth and the three witches Act IV, Scene i.

From N. Rowe's first illl1stra. Witch-Hunting Witchcraft was combated fiercely by both Catholics and Protestants, with civil authorities lending a firm hand to the Church. The many executions of Protestants and Jews by the Catholic Inquisition is shown in several illustrations here as an analogous phenomenon.

" Engraving by Albrecht Durer,

The most famous witch hunt in America literally speaking took place in Salem, Massachusetts, in and had Cotton Mather as its theorist. Torturing of Jews accl1sed by the Inquisition as heretics and pelpetrators of black magic. From a woodcut, Another scene of tortlJring of Jews.

Woodcut, Protestants and Jews accused by the Inquisition of heresy and witchcraft. From a contempOl"c7ry woodcut, Nuremberg, Hanging of a fann woman declared by the Inquisition to be possessed by demons. From Rappresentatione della Passione, Florence, Two Dominican monks burned at the stake by order of the inquisition for allegedly signing pacts with the Devil.

From the Histoire veritable de quatre lacopins, Geneva, Broadside newsletter about the public burning of three witches at Derneburg Harz , October Tol1ure of the inhabitants of Antwelp by Spanish troops under Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba, after the conquest of the city in Since we have done research on Pentecostal churches in Port Vila.

More recently, however, we have found that this was not necessarily the most useful way to operate. It has recently dawned on us that it might be more revealing for our understanding of Port Vila if we viewed the whole city as a Pentecostal context see Eriksen a , b ; Eriksen forthcoming.

First, because the wave of what we might call charismatic and spiritual influence affects the Catholic, the Presbyterian, and the independent churches as much as it does the self-declared Pentecostal churches. Thus, the practices by which we often identify the Pentecostal faith, such as speaking in tongues, being slain in the spirit, and spiritual healing, are now as much a part of, for instance, the Presbyterian register as they are the Pentecostal see Bratrud, this volume.

Rather these ideas and practices are structuring everyday life in a total sense. People relate to the presence of the Holy Spirit everywhere; as much in the grocery store where there is a healing room in the back, as in the market where women heal or talk about healing in-between selling fruits and vegetables, or in the schoolyard where secondary school students talk about their experience of trance and encounters with the Holy Spirit.

But Pentecostalism has a total presence also for the non-converts who relate to the claims, observations, and stories of spiritual and divine presence. In this chapter, we claim, in accordance with the general argument of this book, that an escalation of witchcraft and sorcery activity is integral to this Pentecostal world see also Newell Furthermore, we argue that in order to understand the reason for the escalation, we need to understand the emergence of what we will call a new cosmology of evil.

Thus, in this chapter, we present ethnographic glimpses from fieldwork in and , when we experienced an intensification of cases of witchcraft and sorcery and the issue of spiritual insecurity in Port Vila.

This was a period of intense attention to new forms of magic and sorcery, articulated in conversations between people in the streets and settlements, in kava-bars, in churches, and in the media. As much as possible we tried to get close to the events and tried to find people who were involved.

We got partial accounts of these happenings, some from the pastors we interviewed, some from old friends, and some from newspapers reports.

We do not have space here to fill in the total picture, but we will try to convey a few snapshots of this many-sided situation.

Just after we arrived in January of , we were talking to one of the Pentecostal pastors about politics and the presidential election that had just taken place in the fall of The pastor and his fellow preachers from other churches had surrounded the city with spiritual protection. At the same time, all the people in the various churches around the city also joined in prayer directed toward the city as a circumscribed realm. The people of the churches thus fenced in the city at this liminal moment.

It should be noted that whenever political decisions are being made people in Port Vila suspect that magic is also being used to influence politicians as well as voters. One of the pastors we talked to added that every first Monday of each month, the Prime Minister prayed in his house with two or three chosen pastors from different Pentecostal ministries.

They prayed for upcoming sessions of the Parliament if there were unrest, fragmentation, or motions of no confidence; they prayed for the progress of the national economy; they prayed for the success of the building of a new road, or they prayed for better health and less sorcery and evil.

These are all things that threaten to harm the benevolent nation by continuously exposing it to the powers of fragmentation and inequality. Here, we are already touching on what we imply when we refer to Port Vila as a Pentecostal city. It is a space that is held out by its citizens as a special, almost holy realm, and a personified realm that is like a person in need of protection, care, and leadership.

It might easily be corrupted by evil, through the influence of overseas businessmen or missionaries, or from ancestral traditions brought in from the outer islands, but also from within the city itself in terms of envy, selfishness, and greed. When there is an illness in a household or in a neighborhood people often speculate if a su or other magical remedies such as human ashes or bones of stillborn babies are buried in the ground or hidden behind the house of the victim.

Our student Hildur Thorarensen, also did fieldwork in Port Vila in the spring of , on the Survival Church in the neighborhood of Freswota.

She describes in detail such a spiritual warfare raid in her Master Thesis. A family came to the church asking for help because they were afraid there might be some sort of nakaimas sorcery in their house. There has been a lot of suspicion of black magic going on in that street, and four persons were said to have died in mysterious ways.

They were met by the family, sitting quietly on a mat inside their corrugated iron house. The congregation stopped outside, and the Pastor started giving instruction for the ceremony. Most were to stand in the back singing, some were to pray out loudly. Members of the group were to give notice or try to kill it immediately.

The Prophetess, the Pastor, and the Prayer Warriors went inside the house and started praying, while the rest of the congregation stood outside and began to sing. Thorarensen writes: Suddenly the Prophetess came running out of the house, her eyes are closed and her arms are shaking; a usual sign of her being possessed by the Holy Spirit.

The Prayer Warriors and the pastor follow right behind her, still praying loudly, as the prophetess runs away from the house and down a path. After them follows the family, and finally the rest of us, still singing. At this point a girl from the Youth Group whispered to me that the Prophetess has now felt the presence of evil spirits, and that she has begun chasing them.

The chase continues up and down narrow paths around the neighboring houses at such an increasing pace that in the end we are all running, and finally uphill towards some banana trees. The Prophetess and the Prayer Warriors start hitting the trees, chopping them down to the ground with their bare hands.

Thorarensen : 91—92 What Thorarensen describes here was going on in many parts of the city. These local events were about protecting neighborhoods that were marked by evil spirits, either as outside influences or internal corruptions.

This particular form of spiritual warfare also defines the general measures taken for protection, being as relevant on the level of the nation and the capital as inside the household and toward the individual.

During our explorations of Pentecostal Port Vila in , we also talked to some of the members of the Melanesian Brotherhood, an action-oriented branch of the Anglican Church that is dedicated to sorting out spiritual, demonic, and sorcery-related problems. They wear black robes as uniforms, and all brothers have a powerful walking stick that is highly respected and widely reputed to perform miracles.

The brothers gave us accounts of two episodes that had taken place in the last months. The first one concerned one of their members who had died suddenly after leaving Port Vila for his home island. As part of their spiritual investigation of what they perceived to be a suspicious murder, they had traced his movements during his last days in Port Vila. Their search became a detailed spiritual mapping, where they found hotspots for evil forces in certain locations of the city and tried to divine these places as part of the investigation.

They had concluded that their brother was already dead in the Port Vila harbor when he set his foot on the ship that was to take him to his home island. He had only appeared to be still living on board the ship and when going ashore at home two days later—because he was put in a zombie state by the sorcerers who had killed him in Port Vila. As a result of this killing, the Melanesian brothers now considered themselves to be implicated in a spiritual war.

They were under attack from a league of sorcerers that they believed wanted to control the city. The vampire was first held captive by the chiefs in his neighborhood, and the Melanesian Brothers were called in since they were the only ones who could come close to him and detain him.

He had superhuman strength and they had to ritually pacify him, they told us. This was a young man in one of the squatter settlements who had been transformed into a phantasmagoric creature, half man half animal. In their reasoning, they pinned down the start of his transformation to one particular night when he had smoked so much marijuana that he had become completely unconscious. The Melanesian Brothers believed that it was at this time that a witchcraft creature had entered his body and that this creature was now controlling him.

He was publicly exposed as a vampire when his girlfriend had to go to the hospital because she lost her strength, and the doctors confirmed that she was low on blood.

At the hospital, she had told her family that her boyfriend had regularly been sucking blood from her see also Rio : When reported in newspapers, TV, and gossip, the case caused much alarm and confirmed the widespread worry about the spiritual siege that the city was under.

It was because of them that they had managed to restrain him, to pacify his powers and liberate him from the grasp that the witchcraft creature had over him. After he had been treated by the Brothers, the boy was sent to prison, but he was released after a while since he collaborated with the police and gave up the names of the people who were behind the witchcraft. Again the idea—equally widespread among the Brothers, inside the system of law as well as on the streets of Port Vila—that there was a league of sorcerers that wanted to control the city, and that anyone and everyone would be victim to their superhuman powers.

We experienced that these circumstances were new and surprising for people in Vanuatu. Not only because it was so widely publicized in the news, and since it implicated the Melanesian Brotherhood, the police and courts of law in new alliances around the occult scene, but also because people could not recognize in it any traditional forms of spirit possession, sorcery or witchcraft.

It was added that as the boy drank blood from his girlfriend, he would become a white woman. Reportedly, the special tooth that he used for sucking blood had been an instrument from African magic.

All sorts of mixed rumors and speculations of this kind arose, and people pointed out to us that it was as if the city was under attack or that their city security had been breached. Despite the intensive measures for protection set up by the churches and healers, unknown occult powers of evil were on the loose inside their own city. Another case that got our attention at the same time was a court case around police brutality.

One of the captives was probably killed during the man-hunt, although never found, another was killed during interrogations. The violence of the operation shocked the urban population as they read about it in the newspapers. Because of this extremely violent death, an Australian coroner was appointed to lead an official enquiry into its circumstances.

During his work, it became clear that members of the police sabotaged his work and even threatened him Dawson : Generally, it seems to us that in this case, the intense activity of detecting evil in the pentecostalised protection of the city spilled over into the state apparatuses in a very brutal and direct way. We knew from our visits to the healing ministries and new church congregations that these specific members of the police force were eager participants in one of the new international charismatic churches in town.

The people performing the latter were also the chief agents of the former see also a comparative case from Fiji, Trnka In this latter case, we can see the ways in which also the state becomes part of the totalizing Pentecostal context.

The issue of marijuana ran through many of the cases and much of the talk of the city. We became painfully aware of this in relation to another situation that came up during our stay. A close relative of the family with whom we had stayed during our previous fieldwork back to was seriously ill.

The young man had been working as crew on one of the cargo ships that deliver goods to the outer islands, and his father, himself a member of a small independent church in one of the settlements, told us that for the last few years his son had been smoking a lot of marijuana. This drug, more than alcohol, in these circles of Port Vila, is seen to draw evil forces to a person, as the intoxication leads to unconsciousness and change of mind.

See a Problem?

Seemingly, this state of mind implies a corruption of the person that is very much a target of Pentecostal warfare in Port Vila.

In the case of the young man, it also became clear why. A clear mind and alert perception are required to be a good Christian. At one point we were invited to see the sick man and his family on the outskirts of the town. He was lying on the floor, trembling and delirious. His father and mother and other members of the family were sitting around him, praying.

They had been doing this continually for a few days, each taking their round so that the prayer could be kept up around the clock. As in the case of the vampire above, the problem was that the marijuana had taken hold of him and blocked his abilities for communicating with God.

It was also a form of sorcery posen in Bislama that came with the marijuana that had put him in such a delirious state. His father speculated that the marijuana lifestyle on board the trading ship had made him an easy target for the sorcery from one of the outer islands. The boy died a couple of days later.

Demons, Devils, and Witches in Pentecostal Port Vila: On Changing Cosmologies of Evil in Melanesia

These few glimpses of rumors, concerns, and activities related to witchcraft and sorcery in Port Vila in , reveal the moral warfare that was taking place at all levels of city life.

When we argue that Port Vila is a Pentecostal city in a broad sense, we imply not only that the city sees a growth in Pentecostal, or Pentecostal-like congregations, but that concerns and activities which we identify as Pentecostal, such as spiritual warfare and healing, take place at all levels of social life in the police force, in family life, in prayer circles, in politics, in media, etc.

These activities involve an intense occupation with where evil comes from, cleaning it up, and providing protection from it. Let us now turn closer scrutiny to what this concern with evil is about.

Toward an Anthropology of Evil in Port Vila In this Pentecostal world the distinction between good and evil, between prayer and sin, between past and present is paramount.

It is the world where binaries are center stage. Pentecostalism produces this black and white world. Evil is often understood in a personified form in Christian thinking. Evil takes the form of the devils and demons. Surprisingly little is found in the Bible about the devil, but it is important in the teaching of particularly Protestant thinkers and theologians, as Calvin and Luther see Meyer ; Russell As has been pointed out by historians of religion, theologians, and anthropologists alike, evil has a specific significance in Christian cosmology.

This is true both for its European development see Russell , and in missionary activities in for instance Africa Meyer ; Englund in Oceania Barker ; MacDonald and elsewhere in the global south.

One might say that the concept of the devil creates a phantasmagoric space where crucial world-making processes take place.

Devils, Demons, and Witchcraft (gnv64).pdf

In spite of this, there has been little focus and discussion about the role of this conception of evil and of the devil, as Christianity has arrived outside of the areas where it has had its historical origins. However, with the rise of Pentecostalism, ethnographic descriptions of articulations of the devil have emerged. Meyer, working among the Ewe in Ghana , has argued that Pentecostals became successful exactly because they took the devil, the personified form of evil, seriously.

Barker has pointed to the significance of the specific discourse on evil for the Maisin of Papua New Guinea. In the encounter between the missionaries and Maisin ideas of sorcery and witchcraft, a space for a re-articulation of Maisin spiritual ideas opened up. Sorcery and witchcraft became an integral part of Maisin Christianity as a representation of evil, much in the same way as Meyer has described it for Ghana. Returning to Port Vila, one of the key aspects of life in this Pentecostal context is the new significance of evil.

As we have seen, social life in Port Vila neighborhoods rotates around ideas, speculations, worry, and preventive action against very tangible and highly present forces of sorcery and demons. In our most recent fieldwork in , we worked with a selection of healers, from different denominations, who all work though the Holy Spirit. Although the idea of evil is present in everyday discourse, the healers are more articulate than most people about the nature of evil.

One of the healers pointed out that the work as a healer is first and foremost about giving protection to people from the roaming danger, a constant presence and threat of malignant spirits always lurking in the vicinity. Because evil spirits are all around, this is constant work, a nonstop effort. By looking at the ways in which the healers talk about the jungle of bad things and how it operates in this world, it is possible to give a portrait of what evil looks like in this context.

Understanding what evil is, is also the key to an understanding of how a social order emerges, and thus, as we will show, what the effects of Pentecostal witchcraft are.

If Pentecostalism is a machine producing Manichean binaries, and the binary between good and evil is the most significant, this fundamentally shapes social life. The nation of Vanuatu, the city of Port Vila, the specific neighborhoods, and household, as well as interiors of persons, are spaces where evil is to be kept at a distance. With tools like discernment, prayer, healing and spiritual warfare, protective boundaries against evil are erected. These boundaries need constant ritual work and maintenance.

The most effective healers, and those with the most prominent reputation have different versions of what they call the gift of discernment.

They have x-ray sight, they can see in dreams, or they receive specific sensations when evil approaches as a throbbing pain in the forehead or in the palms of the hands. These abilities mark the healers as distinct from others. Most people cannot see, nor feel, where and how the evil will approach. Therefore most people are dependent on the healers for protection.

Devils, Demons, and Witchcraft (gnv64).pdf

Also in Port Vila evil takes a personified form. When she walks the streets of the city center in Port Vila, she does not see the faces of ordinary people passing by. Rather she sees the grotesque faces of demons. She can see what others cannot, and even the people who are possessed by evil demons might not know it. If one regularly attends prayer meetings, organized by the healers, one can achieve a certain protection.

According to women who pray these remedies open the way fully for demons: these are the very media through which the demons enter the body and, ultimately, the soul.

Sorcery, or posen and nakaimas, can appear in many different versions, but the healers often detect it as material or territorial technologies which are instantiated consciously by someone to inflict harm on someone else. For instance, this can be a parcel made from specific bones and ashes planted outside a house to inflict harm on those living there. One of the healers we worked with has the gift of X-ray sight, and she can see right through persons or materials.

She is also a popular healer for businessmen who are afraid of competitors who might target them with nakaimas to drive them out of business. The healers adjust their treatment to the specific kind of evil that is in question.Dying man surrounded by his attendants.

The Demon of Creed and the treaslrehlnting fool Tort of Jews acclsed by the Inquisition as hertics and pelpetrators of black magic. One of the most violent ways in which a demon or the Devil could supposedly make itself known in the physical world is through possession.

Ruwan Dissanayake. Mythologies of Witchcraft in the Fifteenth Century.

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