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View Preview. Learn more Check out. Abstract Abstract: Volume 97 , Issue 2 April Pages Related Information. Email or Customer ID. Forgot your password? Forgot password? Old Password. New Password. Your password has been changed. Returning user. On October 23, , police in the Congress-held northeastern state of Bihar, forcibly halted the Rama procession, impounded the decorated truck, and arrested the BJP President who was a passenger.

Within a week, the three organizations stormed the Babri mosque, and eleven people died in the action. Two days later, on November 2, , they organized another storming of the mosque, and this time hundreds were killed.

Hindu nationalists then attempted to use their martyrs to further their movement. In January , the VHP held a public ceremony to immerse the ashes of the young men killed in the October 30 violence, and vowed to construct the Rama temple.

At the end of August , the VHP bought two houses opposite the disputed mosque. Two months later, the Uttar Pradesh State government, led by Hindu nationalists, entered into the action by acquiring over two thousand acres of land near the site, claiming it was to promote tourism but with other designs in mind.

A long legal battle between the state and central Government ensued, until the High Court decided the state Government had no right to obtain that land. They demolished three small Hindu shrines opposite the Babri mosque in preparation for the construction of the Rama temple, an action that openly displayed their political fixation and the complete disregard of Hinduism-as-faith.

On October 31, Hindu nationalist militants posing as temple visitors climbed the mosque, hoisted the RSS saffron flag on the three domes and damaged a part of the outer wall. In February , the Uttar Pradesh Government secretly began to build a ten-foot-high wall around the land it had illegally acquired, and began to lay the foundation for a future Rama temple therein. When the High Court decided activities should cease at the site, the VHP burned effigies of the judges near the mosque.

Thus, Hindu nationalist mobilizations increased, culminating in the demonstration in which the Babri Masjid was destroyed, a makeshift Rama temple was installed, and the rioting including sexual violence ensued. Let us explore each ideological construct in turn, before discussing how they work together to render the Babri Masjid a pivotal site for conflict.

Man Mandir Man Masjid Urdu Novel By Muhammad Yahya Khan Free Download PDF

They then assigned many of the undesirable characteristics, rejected from that ideal model, to Muslim males. The RSS imagines Hindu nationalist men as the exclusive rightful citizens of the Hindu nation, and Muslims as imposters, enemies who are responsible for the downfall of the ancient glorious Hindu nation that the RSS proposes to revive. These concepts of one rightful category of citizens, of rejected others, and of the Hindu nation itself, are deeply entwined with notions of upper caste Hindu legitimacy proposed in orientalist discourse, with western theories of cultural nationalism, and with colonial historiography.

Thus, a few words about these are in order. As Prakash has remarked, orientalism was from its inception a European enterprise, as western scholars entered India, attempted to make sense of Indian religions, selected certain sacred texts for translation, and left others by the wayside.

This process, which included pulling Indian sacred texts into a western cognitive grid, reinterpreting texts through translation, the application of western classificatory methods including hierarchialization, and dispersing this body of knowledge in India and in western universities, certainly constituted a modality of cognitive violence. Orientalists divided the diversity of faiths now known under the rubric of Hinduism into two: a Great Tradition composed mainly of Brahminical texts, and a Little Tradition comprised of other texts and low caste practices.

Orientalists homogenized the Great Tradition texts, and held them up as the true representatives of Hinduism. RSS ideologues reproduce the notion that there is one true representative form of Hinduism, but for them it is not traditional Brahminism. In this scheme, the RSS holds up Hindu nationalist men as the rightful speaking subjects for the Hindu nation.

Golwalkar proposes that there are five components to the Hindu nation: the Hindu Race changed to People in later texts with the ideas attached to it remaining intact; see Golwalkar , , ; the Hindu Territory; and the combined elements of Culture, Religion, and Language.

In this logic, Hindu nationalists have the right to determine the fate of non-citizens and their symbols on Hindu nationalist territory. For the RSS, the glorious Hindu nation is eternal, has temporarily degenerated in the current period due to the destructive influence of Muslims and the British, but can be revived through the assimilation, or failing that, annihilation, of all others, especially Muslims Golwalkar The temporal frame the RSS uses to conceptualize Hindu-Muslim relations is drawn from western notions of linear history, with their particular classificatory modalities and categories Thapar While a multitude of temporal categories exist within Indian religions such as the cyclical Yugas [see below], the simultaneous, the linear , as Thapar To this effect, they divided the whole of Indian history into three periods: a Hindu period characterized as barbaric; a Muslim period characterized by barbarism and aggression; and a British period consistently understood as civilizing and enlightened.

Hindu nationalists reproduced the threefold division, but assigned diverse meanings to each. They identified the Hindu period with a Golden Age, when the Hindu nation was at its height, and which they propose to revive Golwalkar , , , They conceptualized the Muslim and British periods as the Age of Decline characterized by barbarism see Golwalkar , , , ; Dubashi ; Goel In order to disguise this western periodization, to appeal to non-politicized Hindus, and to legitimize Hindu nationalism as authentically Hindu, RSS ideologues superimposed terms from Brahminism, from the sacred temporal system of yugas, to designate each of these periods.

The yugas actually consist of four cycles, each composed of differing durations, all of them encompassing thousands of years, with smooth transitions between them. In a binary sweep, the RSS collapsed the four yugas into two, and placed them in opposition to each other, such that the Hindu period became satyuga the Golden Age , and the Muslim and British periods became kaliyuga Age of Decline. Indian historians have countered this conception of homogenized Islamic aggression in India in several ways: by rendering visible the heterogeneity of Islamic regimes in India, especially the most peaceful ones; by reiterating the multiple reasons for which lower caste conversion took place; and by reaffirming that Indian Muslims are as Indian as are Hindus see, for example, the many excellent articles in Gopal But Hindu nationalists get much political mileage out of reinforcing simplistic, interested, colonial constructions of Islam in India, and turn a deaf ear to Indian historical accounts that interrogate and complicate the colonial constructions.

However, the Babri Masjid became operable as a site of political and emotional engagement precisely because Hindu nationalists successfully imposed their notion that the Babri Masjid was a symbol of Muslim rule and thus Hindu Decline, into the public discursive space. In order to forge their notion of Indian Muslims as essential Others, RSS ideologues also had recourse to western notions of racial categories invented in scientific doctrine elaborated in Europe from the eighteenth century onward, especially the idea of an Aryan race see Gould ; Thapar Indeed, the Nazi analogy has quite a history: orientalists had conceptualized Brahmins as an Aryan race.

They also put forth an Aryan invasion theory according to which Aryans Brahmins entered India, colonized the local populations, and set up the caste system with themselves at the top.

In fact, major RSS ideologue M. Golwalkar maintained that the invasion theory was designed by the colonizers to legitimate their own rule, by claiming that they had only done what Brahmins had done: entered India and set up their regime.

Still, the RSS used the notion of an Aryan race for the purposes of excluding Muslims as non-Aryans from the rightful citizen-body of the Hindu nation. Enmeshed within this discourse is the British notion that Hindus and Muslims are inherently incompatible, devised to serve its divide and rule strategy Pandey As in colonial situations elsewhere in the world see McClintock ; Lane colonial reconstructions of gender and sexuality were integral to the establishment and maintenance of British rule in India.

The British used different types of gender and sexuality constructions to discredit or valorize various portions of the Indian population, to valorize themselves, and to establish the legitimacy of their regime see Nandy Holding themselves up as the model for proper masculinity, the British attempted to discredit both the Muslim political elite as potential rivals for political power and Brahmin men whose leadership positions were in the spiritual domain , thereby ridding themselves of competition.

To this effect they constructed Muslim men as hyper-masculine aggressive, and Brahmins as hyper-effeminate on this process see Nandy ; Sinha However, because India was an administrative colony, and not a settler colony on typologies of colonialism see McClintock , thus implying a shortage of British men in the country, the colonial regime required Indians to serve in the colonial army and to take up civil service jobs.

At the same time the British instructed a certain portion of the population, especially those Brahmins who as traditional priests and intellectuals had a strong historical relation with education, in the Anglicist tradition for civil servant positions.

Accordingly, Hindu nationalists put forth the notion that accepting the existence of the mosque on Hindu territory was a sign of effeminacy and emasculation. These gender constructions were also informed by more subtle constructions of sexuality, again based in colonialism. Hindu nationalists, however, turned the British notion of India as the porno-tropics back onto the British by claims to upper caste Hindu morality and chastity, and designated the British as perverted.

But, Hindu nationalists also extended the porno-perversion accusation to those whom they identified as internal enemies: Indian Muslims. This construction intersected with the British notion of Muslims as hyper-aggressive; to it Hindu nationalists simply added hyper-aggressive sexuality, directed, in the Hindu nationalist imagination, towards otherwise chaste Hindu women, and by extension, to the Hindu territory conceptualized as a chaste Mother goddess see below.

As RSS major ideologue M. Yet another major Hindu nationalist construct, and highly operable in the Babri Masjid conflict, is the Hindu nationalist notion of the Hindu territory. This too was contrived through a process of selectivity of western notions and the insertion of signifiers drawn from Hinduism-as-faith to lend authenticity to the concept.

RSS ideologues chose western notions of space, sought somewhat corresponding Sanskrit terms in Hindu sacred texts, reinscribed the newly invented, politicized meanings into the Sanskrit terms, and imposed them as eternal Bacchetta In this way, Hindu nationalists constructed a specifically Hindu nationalist spatiality, and left aside other categories of space which abound in Hindu sacred texts but which have no corresponding categories in western monotheisms or politics, such as prakriti uncoded nature , akasha immense empty space represented by the element ether, essence of all that is eternal and maya illusion of the material world.

For the RSS, the Hindu nationalist territory is an extremely important category, as part of the very definition of the Hindu nation, and as an overall rubric under which other spatial categories are subsumed. For Hindu nationalists, the territory has both material and symbolic dimensions, and each are defined according to political objectives.

For example, Hindu nationalists rewrite the Hindu religious notion of kshetra, or landscape as place in Hinduism-as-faith, to mean sacred landscape to which only Hindu nationalists are supposed to be attached.

Desh, or the collective living space as place in Hinduism-as-faith, is for Hindu nationalists the land within the Hindu nationalist borders that must be purged of all Others. These borders differ from text to text, from period to period. In some publications Hindu nationalists state that the Hindu nation includes all of South Asia.

Hindu nationalists, in contrast, have fixed one name for the territorial goddess, Bharatmata mother of a legendary Hindu king, Bharat; note the centrality of masculine subjectivity. For Hindu nationalists, in satyuga Golden Age Bharatmata is a pure, chaste home for her Hindu nationalist sons.

Every particle of dust, everything living or non- living, every stick and stone, tree and rivulet of this land is holy to us. To keep this intense devotion ever alive in the heart of every child of this soil, so many procedures and conventions were established here in the past.

In kaliyuga Age of Decline , however, the Motherland has been defiled by the polluting, disruptive, destructive presence of Muslims. For the RSS, the epitome of this territorial violation occurred in August , when part of the subcontinent was partitioned into the current independent states of India and Pakistan.

Indeed, Hindu nationalists believe that India and Pakistan should be one, and that it should be ruled by Hindu nationalists.

Thus the RSS has spilled much ink to establish a connection between the Mother land , Muslim male sexual aggression, and Hindu emasculation. Thus, Hindu nationalists believe that, like the territorial goddess Bharatmata and chaste Hindu women, the temple is a feminine space, an appropriate home to Hindu divinities and Hindu nationalist sons, and is always located in satyuga the Golden Age.

Indeed, RSS ideologue M. But there is a sexual dimension to this construction, too. Conclusion: On the Hindu Nationalist Strategic Use of Space In sum, the Babri Masjid affair exemplifies the many dimensions of the Hindu nationalist strategic use of space for political goals. Ultimately, this strategy manifests itself in a series of correlations made between the gendered and sexed body, territory, the temple and mosque, the nation, and relations of domination and subordination.

Thousands upon thousands of mosques exist in India, but none have been the object of such a national dispute. The Babri Masjid conflict rests upon the strategic construction of the Babri Masjid as illegitimate space, as a symbol of Hindu domination and thus Hindu male humiliation, which is given a particularly emotional twist through the imposition of an analogy whereby the mosque is made to signify a Muslim male body part violating the purity of the Mother land which Hindu males have failed to protect.

In this scheme, for Hindu nationalists, their demolition of the mosque comes to represent the castration of the sexually aggressive Muslim male, and thus the restoration of Hindu male honor. Now, however, I would like to push this one step further by observing that the temple and the mosque are only two components in a chain of similar metaphoric spatial elements to which similarly gendered and sexed meanings are attached.

Two additional examples, both briefly mentioned above, are the cow and the real body of the supposedly chaste Hindu woman; they are widely recognized in India as central elements in rumors designed to provoke riots.

In the first case, it is rumors that Muslims slaughtered a cow and placed it in a Hindu temple that are operational, and in the second, it is rumors that Muslims raped a Hindu woman that are operational. Cow, woman, and temple contain the same gendered and sexed connotations; they are all sacred, feminine, associated with the body-space.

Indeed, cows are slaughtered every day in India without incident, and as elsewhere across the globe so do the vast majority of rapes go unrecorded. It is important to note that those who oppose the Babri Masjid conflict, and religio-political conflict in general, also position spatial elements in the forefront.

Two main oppositional elements among people of Hindu origin are secularists and the religious. Secularists of all hues liberals, Marxists, Gandhians, feminists, etc. It shifts the spatial element of nationalism to encompass the entire Indian territory, thereby including the Babri Masjid as Indian. Similarly, for those who speak from within their various Hinduism-as- faith positions, regardless of their diverse political affiliations, spatial elements are in the forefront.

Many religious Hindus are, indeed, revolted by the use of their religion for political purposes. NOTES 1. They never faced the question how all such heterogeneous groups could be called as children of the soil merely because, by an accident, they happened to reside in a common territory under the rule of a common enemy.

It was this intolerance that nailed Christ on the Cross. For more on the discourses and actions of their all- female counterparts, and how they differ from the all-male organizations, see Jeffery and Basu , Basu , Sarkar, and Butalia ; Bacchetta , a.

This information is based on interviews with feminist activists in Delhi in summer See also Kumar ; Kishwar New Delhi: Saruchi Prakashan. Andersen, W. Delhi: Vistaar. Anderson, B. Imagined communities. London: Verso. Bacchetta, P.

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Boulder: Westview. Lane, C. The Ruling passion: British colonial allegory and the paradox of homosexual desire. Durham: Duke University Press. Malik, Y. New Delhi: Vistaar. Massey, D.The RSS ideology has shifted quite a bit through time, but has always reflected the anti low caste and anti Muslim stance, albeit in various forms see below.

Maulana Atiq Ahmad, 47 years affidavit of May The yugas actually consist of four cycles, each composed of differing durations, all of them encompassing thousands of years, with smooth transitions between them. Its water joins the Saryu Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.

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