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Five years later, as the editorial collective announced in GL 10 a pause in publication to enable a think about what we wanted to do next — 10 issues and an edited book Homosexuality: Power and Politics published in proved an exhausting if exhilarating journey together — the climate had changed dramatically, and in fact we soon dissolved as a group.
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What had seemed in the mid s an inevitable movement to the Left had by become the triumph of a new sort of Right, marrying, with what turned out to be varying success, a harsh economic liberalism with a social conservatism, whose search for a return to Victorian Values in Thatcherite Britain or the values of the old frontier and old time religion in Reaganite USA captured the zeitgeist and created the basis of a new hegemonic politics in which the Left was increasingly marginalized. New times demanded new urgent responses, and our earlier preoccupations often seemed redundant.
A longer term perspective tells us something different. Despite the setbacks, pain and loss of the s and early s we can now see that under the surface of events, dramatic changes in sexual and intimate life were taking place, a sort of grass roots revolution, that have transformed the possibilities of LGBTQ lives. These were not necessarily in the ways we anticipated or even consciously wanted in the mid s. Many of our analyses have dated, inevitably. But what now strikes me on re-reading these 10 volumes for the first time in a long time, is how well we captured the dreams and realities, hopes and frustrations of gay and lesbian lives during the s, and the extent to which you can see in these pages the shape of the dramatic political and cultural changes that decisively ended the long s, and brought about a new political era.
The group that produced the last issue five years later consisted of eight people. In between there had been a considerable churning of membership 15 people in all served on the collective , but a core of us had been with the project throughout. We were a group of men — a fact that was to prove controversial — and white men at that — something that was not especially controversial then but now stands out as a real weakness.
We were London based, though in fact only one of us was born and bred in London: like most lesbians and gays we were migrants to the big city. Most of us were in our 20s or early 30s, of working class backgrounds but generally highly educated. Several of us were still students, or soon became students, most of the rest of us were first generation university graduates, characteristically working as researchers or teachers in schools, colleges and universities, but we also had two potters, a filmmaker and a lawyer.
Generally we were fairly insecure in our careers at that stage. We all regarded ourselves as on the left, though our experiences had varied enormously, from membership of small leftist groups to mild anarchism and armchair Marxism.
Crucially, all of us in one way or another had been radicalised through our experience of the gay movement. What unified us and brought us together in Gay Left was a double concern: to enter a dialogue with the gay movement about socialism; and to confront the socialist and labour movements with the ideas of gay liberation.
The main vehicles for this were the collective statements we wrote for each issue. In these we attempted to work together on a specific topic — reading, discussing, arguing, and finally writing, collectively, in endless drafts.
These statements probably took up most of our time, which may seem a little disproportionate when they characteristically took less than a fifth of the total contents.
But they were crucial to our political and intellectual development, and to establishing the particular ethos of the journal. It is worth stressing that these were genuinely collective statements. Everyone took part. Every paragraph, sentence, phrase and word was chewed over before we produced an agreed way of saying what we wanted to say.
Through this collaborative activity we helped each other, learnt from each other and grew together. Engaging with struggle But though this theoretical work was crucial we also sought to tap into ongoing struggles in the world around us. This dialogue between ourselves and with a growing range of readers inevitably shifted our perspectives. Other issues saw the publication of articles on key developing themes and theories, for example on the state and sexuality GL 6 , Guy Hocquenghem GL 9 and on developments in socialist feminism GL At the same time, we were attempting to reflect the growing crisis on the left as the political climate became increasingly polarised.
We were also alive to the significance of the swing to the right not only politically but culturally the collective statement in GL 8 referred to the election of Margaret Thatcher, which proved to be a decisive moment in British politics. Personal politics Our political commitments provided the spine for Gay Left in its five years of existence, but as a group of gay men we were also firmly located in the developing gay community and culture, with all their burgeoning concerns.Unit 3.
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It was why I wanted to become an actor. He has that dark-haired Italian look. Every time you move it moves too. Have any audience members got their camera phones out? It was a moment that was politically, culturally and emotionally potent, but the circumstances that made it have now passed irretrievably.
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There he is humiliated and tortured for several hours. But, she said that today less than 5 percent of colleges and universities have centers for gay and lesbian students. So discreet you can wear them all day. Get access to the full version of this article.